Harvard 40th Reunion Profile: Miles Kimball

Harvard’s Quincy House

Harvard’s Quincy House

5 years ago, I posted “Harvard 35th Reunion Profile: Miles Kimball.” Here is my report about the last 5 years, adapted a bit (for example, adding links):


In the last 5 years, my wife Gail and I have been happily living in Superior, Colorado. We recently celebrated our 37th wedding anniversary. On top of my duties as an economics professor, I am now a certified life coach, following in Gail’s footsteps. I now blog about ideas related to that coaching as well as blogging about economics, religion, political philosophy (1, 2, 3) and diet and health on my blog “Confessions of a Supply-Side Liberal.”

My research as an economist has shifted more and more toward working with coauthors. I continue to work on negative interest rate policy, on the principles for building a national well-being index, and on the highly mathematical economics of risk and time.

Our daughter Diana is married; we are delighted to have two grandchildren. She is now a venture capitalist working for Matrix Partners and lives in San Francisco. Our son Jordan is engaged. He works as a coder in Columbus, Ohio.  

The death of both of my parents and of my sister Sarah makes me think more realistically about the future. I think I’m still at least a decade away from retirement, but I often think about what I’ll do then. I’d like to do different kinds of writing than the economics journal articles and blog posts I have done up to now. I also want to continue to learn more math.

A lot of the excitement in my life is about progress on my many different projects and in learning new things. Much of that excitement is documented on my blog. My life has a lot of variety in it, despite outwardly having a lot of routine.

Because our work is easy to do remotely, Gail and I have not suffered much personally from the Covid-19 pandemic. But people close to us have died or become very sick from it. I hope we are better prepared for the next highly infectious, highly dangerous disease down the road.

How Rising Anorexia Can Go Along with Rising Obesity: Both Can Be Caused By Environmental Contaminants

Note: this post follows on my posts “Are Processed Food and Environmental Contaminants the Main Cause of the Rise of Obesity? and “Livestock Antibiotics, Lithium and PFAS as Leading Suspects for Environmental Causes of Obesity.”

Many drugs have “paradoxical effects”: for a minority of people they will have the opposite of the usual effect. Also, for a minority of people drugs can cause the opposite of a usual side effect. To suss out evidence of environmental contaminants messing with our weight, this means we should look for increases in both obesity and anorexia. One may affect more people, but both should be going up if there is an environmental contaminant. They are. Since 1980, both obesity and anorexia have increased a lot.

It may seem strange that a chemical could have both an effect and—on a smaller fraction of people—the opposite of that effect. But look at the scatterplot across countries between obesity and eating disorders at the top of this post, between the two images of slimemoldtimemold posts. There is a strong relationship between rates of obesity and rates of anorexia. Basically, a given chemical messes with something in the body and sometimes immediate effect of the chemical and the body’s further reaction can go the opposite of the usual direction. (For more on this, see the Wikipedia article “Paradoxical reaction.”)

Not only are the two extremes of fatness and thinness increasing in humans, the prevalence of those extremes is increasing in animals as well, as the “Anorexia in Animals” post shown above argues.

These effects can differ by gender. In humans, the extremes of high and low weight seem to have been burgeoning especially for females. For those who have daughters at home, the following speculation about per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) contamination from the “Paradoxical Reactions” blog post shown above is worth paying attention to:

It’s notable that anorexia most often occurs in teenagers and young adults, especially young women. Are young women being exposed to large doses all of a sudden, just as they start going through puberty? Where would these huge doses come from? It may not be that much of a stretch — PFAS are included in many cosmetics.

In addition to arguing for environmental contaminants contributing to the rise in obesity—and anorexia—the “A Chemical Hunger” series of blog posts is also important in making the case for the powerful influence of a “lipostat.” A lipostat is a fat-regulating mechanism in your body that pulls us strongly toward a particular weight—a weight that can get pushed around by chemicals. Our lipostats invalidate the naive version of “calories in/calories out” that treats calories in and calories out as if they were entirely under our conscious control. One of the reasons this is wrong is fidgeting. Here is the relevant passage from the “Paradoxical Reactions” blog post:

… avoiding food and collecting cookbooks isn’t the lipostat’s only method for controlling body weight. It has a number of other tricks up its sleeve.

Many people burn off extra calories through a behavior called “non-exercise activity thermogenesis” (NEAT). This is basically a fancy term for fidgeting. When a person has consumed more calories than they need, their lipostat can boost calorie expenditure by making them fidget, make small movements, and change posture frequently. It’s largely involuntary, and most people aren’t aware that they’re burning off extra calories in this way. Even so, NEAT can burn off nearly 700 calories per day.

… people with anorexia fidget like crazy. A classic symptom of anorexia is excessive physical activity, even in the most severe stages of the illness. When one group measured fidgeting with a highly accurate shoe-based accelerometer, they found that anorexics fidget almost twice as much as healthy controls.

This kind of fidgeting is the classic response in people whose bodies are fatter than they want to be. In studies where people were overfed until they were 10% heavier than their baseline, NEAT increased dramatically. All of this is strong evidence that people with anorexia have lipostats that mistakenly think they desperately need to lose weight.

Don’t despair. Ultimately, we may collectively figure out how our lipostats work and be able get them back on track. In the meantime, fasting works for those who tend toward overweight. (Fasting is a very bad idea for those who are underweight!) If you have a disregulated lipostat tending toward making you overweight, it might take a lot of fasting sprinkled into each year to get to and stay at a healthy weight, but it can be done. I assess that to be my own situation: personally, in order to stay even at a healthy weight, I seem to need to do an extended fast that adds up to about as many days as the number of weeks since I last did an extended fast. (“Increasing Returns to Duration in Fasting” explains why I do extended fasts.)


For organized links to other posts on diet and health, see:

Redemption for Nonsupernaturalists

Link to “The Wondrous Cross,” performed by Christy Nockels, on YouTube

People sometimes ask me if I believe in God. I answer that I am a nonsupernaturalist, and believe in God as a nonsupernaturalist can. To define “nonsupernaturalist,” see my post “What Do You Mean by 'Supernatural'?” In effect, it makes physicists the arbiter of what counts as supernatural.

If you google “Teleotheism” you will go straight to my blog post “Teleotheism and the Purpose of Life” which gives the basics of my belief in God—or as I prefer to say: “the God or Gods Who May Be.” (See my bare beginning of a prayerbook in “The Book of Uncommon Prayer.”) In 2021, I elaborate that to these dimensions of god:

  1. God Within: our highest and best self (even when nascent).

  2. God Between: what emerges when the highest and best selves of more than one person interact.

  3. God Ahead: the best that we can build together; or as I put it in “Teleotheism and the Purpose of Life,” the greatest of all things that can come true.

As time goes on, I come across more and more strands of nonsupernaturalist religion. In my sermons, I recommend Unitarian-Universalism as an institutional framework, though recently other aspects of its religious mission have begun to be overtaken by wokeness. Liberal Judaism and very liberal Christianity are congenial to nonsupernaturalists. There has always been a strong nonsupernaturalist strain in Buddhism, especially in Zen. (For Zen, I highly recommend the Zen koan practice sequence in Sam Harris’s Waking Up app.) And Jordan Peterson is digging deep into religion from a psychological and essentially nonsupernaturalist point of view—though he is careful to express agnosticism, allowing for the possibility of the supernatural. (See for example Jordan Peterson’s talks on the Bible.) I also see a strong strand of nonsupernaturalist religion in resurgent Stoicism and in the Human Potential movement. (See “On Human Potential” and other links at the very bottom of this post.)

Today, I want to talk about the need nonsupernaturalists, just as supernaturalists, have for redemption. A big barrier to positive change in our lives is the pain we experience in beholding the badness in our lives and the badness we see right now when we look inside our hearts. By “redemption” I mean help in coming to terms with our own badness in a way that doesn’t paralyze us.

For those who can simultaneously retain and temporarily suspend disbelief, I think the Christian supernaturalist narrative has a lot to offer even the nonsupernaturalist. As for any religion trying to claim that the divine is all good, Christianity has difficulty explaining the evil in the world. (See the Wikipedia article “Theodicy.”) But for the purpose of understanding redemption, take the existence of evil as an unexplained given. As well, take as a given that our own personal badness will cause serious disruptions in the world, that especially effect us individually because we are at the center of those disruptions. Then, starting from that point, dive into the Christian narrative of a being who loves us so much that he is willing to die a horrible death and suffer in other ways to help us deal with our own personal badness. Jesus preaches forgiveness and dies and suffers to further forgiveness—our forgiving others and our forgiving ourselves. We desperately need to forgive others and to forgive ourselves. So the Christian narrative brings hope. I am a nonsupernaturalist witness that, simultaneously retaining and suspending disbelief, this narrative still helps me to face my own personal badness.

To see what I mean about the Christian narrative helping you to face your own personal badness, try an experiment. Contemplate for a few minutes some of the ways in which you have been genuinely bad in your life—things you regret from an ethical point of view. Once you feel the weight of it emotionally, try listening to Christy Nockels’s video at the top of this post “The Wondrous Cross,” and see what that does for you psychologically. It may not work as well for you as it does for me, but if there is any lifting at all of the paralysis that often comes from contemplating one’s own badness, that backs up my claim of the redemptive value of at least some parts of the Christian narrative, even for a nonsupernaturalist.


Don’t miss my Unitarian-Universalist sermons on my blog

Also, don’t miss Noah Smith’s religion posts:

  1. God and SuperGod

  2. You Are Already in the Afterlife

  3. Go Ahead and Believe in God

  4. Mom in Hell

  5. Buddha Was Wrong About Desire

  6. Noah Smith: Judaism Needs to Get Off the Shtetl

  7. Why Do Americans Like Jews and Dislike Mormons?

  8. Render Unto Ceasar

  9. Original Sin

  10. Islam Needs To Separate Church and State

  11. Noah Smith—Jews: The Parting of the Ways

  12. Noah Smith: You With the Fro

  13. The Fight of the Ages: Pain and Death

  14. Noah Smith: Sunni Islam is Failing

Other Posts on Religion:

Posts on Positive Mental Health and Maintaining One’s Moral Compass:

Greg Mankiw: Yes, the Wealthy Can Be Deserving

I like what Greg Mankiw is saying here. We shouldn’t focus on the bad side of things without also looking at the good side. For other perspectives, see:

On Greg Mankiw

I was Greg Mankiw’s very first dissertation advisee. Soon after he became an assistant professor at Harvard in 1985, he hired me as a research assistant. (In particular, I was an RA for his Brookings Paper “The Term Structure of Interest Rates Revisited.” I also helped a bit with “Assessing Dynamic Efficiency: Theory and Evidence,” with Andrew Abel, Lawrence Summers, and Richard Zeckhauser, and “The Optimal Collection of Seignorage.”) Greg was arriving at Harvard just as I had decided to become a macroeconomist. Then I received my PhD in 1987 and went off to the University of Michigan. So Greg’s period of maximum impact on me was during a two-year period. But that impact has been strong and lasting.

One of the most important impacts of being a student of Greg’s is one that was reinforced by his example and well as what he said: understanding the importance not only of scientific discovery in economics but also of getting economic principles across to a wide audience. Greg has done that with his blockbuster textbooks, his blog, and his New York Times columns. Also, a great deal of his time in government service has been spent in getting economic principles across to government officials in one-on-one tutorials. Greg persuading me of the importance of public engagement had a lot to do with my interest in being a blogger. (Greg’s long-lasting influence was also behind my encouraging my student Noah Smith in becoming a full-time economic journalist.)

As a dissertation adviser, Greg was relatively laissez-faire. He was always calm, encouraging and helpful. My interest in precautionary saving was stimulated by his paper “Ricardian Consumers with Keynesian Propensities,” with Bob Barsky and Stephen Zeldes. Coauthoring “Precautionary Saving and the Timing of Taxes” with Greg helped me see what good writing in economics looked like. (I am Greg’s coauthor on one other paper: “Optimal Advice for Monetary Policy” with Greg, Susanto Basu and David Weil.) As I worked away on precautionary saving, Greg astutely saw the connection between my efforts to get a precautionary saving motive decreasing in wealth (and a higher marginal propensity to consume) with “Proper Risk Aversion” by John Pratt and Richard Zeckhauser, which not only helped me greatly with my research on the theory of precautionary saving but expanded my interests to the economics of risk much more broadly.

Greg’s influence on me continued after I graduated and left Harvard. For example, Greg’s paper “Government Purchases and Real Interest Rates” had a big effect on what I teach in my PhD field course on business cycle theory. (You can see where that went in my already lengthy, but unfinished graduate textbook on business cycle theory. See also my course website on graduate business cycle theory.)

Greg’s politics have been of continuing interest to me. It is quite a kick to see one’s adviser regularly showing up in the newspaper, in the news pages as well as the op-ed pages. In the political arena, people lean toward being ungrateful about the political competition that keeps our system healthy—half-wishing for their party to be the only party in a one-party system—but it is of the utmost importance for us to have two healthy political parties with top-notch economists on both sides of the political spectrum. As long as the Republican party remained reasonably healthy, Greg was one of those top-notch economists on the Republican side. Then, in a blog post on October 28, 2019, Greg announced “I am no longer a Republican.” That, too, was valuable for our political system.

Greg was generous in advertising my new blog back in 2012. I have enjoyed talking to him at conferences and when I have given seminars at Harvard or when he came to Michigan. (Greg hasn’t yet visited the University of Colorado Boulder since I moved there in 2016.)

Let me end with one factoid. At the University of Michigan, we posed to ourselves the question “Who has coauthored the most papers with University of Michigan economics faculty?” The answer: Greg Mankiw. Greg is prolific and a great coauthor. Greg cares deeply about economic issues and loves economics—a love that is infectious.

Livestock Antibiotics, Lithium and PFAS as Leading Suspects for Environmental Causes of Obesity

Last week, with my post “Are Processed Food and Environmental Contaminants the Main Cause of the Rise of Obesity?” I reviewed the first three posts in the slimemoldtimemold.com series “A Chemical Hunger.” This week, I review the next four posts that detail leading suspects as environmental contaminants. The three suspects are livestock antibiotics, lithium and the per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) used “in stain- and water-resistant fabrics and carpeting, cleaning products, paints, and fire-fighting foams. … [and] for limited use in cookware, food packaging, and food processing equipment.” All of these arguably became much more prevalent in the environment since 1980, so that the timing is reasonably consistent with the acceleration of the rise in obesity beginning in 1980.

Livestock antibiotics are used precisely to make animals fatter, so it isn’t surprising that they might make humans fatter too. Lithium, used to treat bipolar disorder, is well known to cause people to gain weight. Scandalously, not enough experiments have been done to see what the effects of PFAS are on obesity at relevant dosages. Only very high dosages have been studied, which can make lab rodents sick enough that they lose weight. So PFAS are one step more speculative as culprits than livestock antibiotics and lithium. Also scandalously, although we know that lithium can make people fat, we don’t know how much lithium has been in our drinking water; it isn’t routinely tested for.

Getting into water supplies means none of these can be entirely avoided. However, eating less meat can probably reduce (but even going vegan would not entirely eliminate) one’s exposure to livestock antibiotics substantially. Little is known about the degree of contamination of various types of food by PFAS and lithium. For processed food, it could depend on how much was in the water used at the particular factory the food was processed at. And even for whole food, it could depend on the level of contamination of the irrigation water.

In most of my diet and health posts I emphasize strategies such as fasting and eating low on the insulin index that can help any individual who employs them. But by its nature, environmental contamination is something we need collective action on. Fortunately, small groups of people can get the ball rolling by pushing forward relevant research. For example, anyone who measures antibiotics, lithium and PFAS levels in tap water and reports them is making a real contribution. And anyone who studies the effects of PFAS on rodents at previously unstudied dosages is making a real contribution. (There are many different chemicals under the heading of livestock antibiotics and under the heading PFAS, so there is a lot to be done there.)

Note that for us to not already know which environmental contaminants are helping along the rise in obesity (and the argument is good that something is), those environmental contaminants have to somehow be in our blindspot. Besides becoming more prevalent at the time the rise in obesity was accelerating, each of these is in our blindspot: livestock antibiotics because strong commercial interests try to keep them in our blindspot, PFAS because their effects are understudied and lithium because its levels in drinking water are not routinely measured. Of course, until we get them out of our blindspot, we won’t know for sure if they or one or two of them are key culprits.

Numbers IV—VII in the “A Chemical Hunger” series give many more details of the argument. I am persuaded that we should take these hypotheses seriously.


For organized links to other posts on diet and health, see:

The Federalist Papers #39: James Madison Downplays How Radical the Proposed Constitution Is

James Madison was aware that the Constitutional Convention had done something radical. Therefore, he was at pains to argue in the Federalist Papers #39 that the proposed Constitution was not that radical. First, he argued that the proposed Constitution did followed the pattern of state constitutions. Second, to reassure those who thought that the Constitution gave too much power to the national government, he pointed to all the ways in which states still mattered.

As an introduction to the Federalist Papers #39, James Madison gives this definition of a “republic”:

… a government which derives all its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the people, and is administered by persons holding their offices during pleasure, for a limited period, or during good behavior. It is ESSENTIAL to such a government that it be derived from the great body of the society, not from an inconsiderable proportion, or a favored class of it; otherwise a handful of tyrannical nobles, exercising their oppressions by a delegation of their powers, might aspire to the rank of republicans, and claim for their government the honorable title of republic. It is SUFFICIENT for such a government that the persons administering it be appointed, either directly or indirectly, by the people; and that they hold their appointments by either of the tenures just specified; …

To a modern reader, the restriction back then of the vote to white males with some amount of property betrays the republican stipulation that

It is ESSENTIAL to such a government that it be derived from the great body of the society, not from an inconsiderable proportion, or a favored class of it; …

But of course many governments back then and even now have a narrower basis than even that:

Could any further proof be required of the republican complexion of this system, the most decisive one might be found in its absolute prohibition of titles of nobility, both under the federal and the State governments; and in its express guaranty of the republican form to each of the latter.

Here are some of the points by which James Madison reassures his readers by saying that the proposed Constitution follows the same pattern as state constitutions. I have added bullets to separate passages:

  • The House of Representatives, like that of one branch at least of all the State legislatures, is elected immediately by the great body of the people.

  • The Senate, like the present Congress, and the Senate of Maryland, derives its appointment indirectly from the people.

  • The President is indirectly derived from the choice of the people, according to the example in most of the States.

  • Even the judges, with all other officers of the Union, will, as in the several States, be the choice, though a remote choice, of the people themselves, …

  • The House of Representatives is periodically elective, as in all the States; and for the period of two years, as in the State of South Carolina.

  • The Senate is elective, for the period of six years; which is but one year more than the period of the Senate of Maryland, and but two more than that of the Senates of New York and Virginia.

  • The President is to continue in office for the period of four years; as in New York and Delaware, the chief magistrate is elected for three years, and in South Carolina for two years. In the other States the election is annual.

  • The tenure by which the judges are to hold their places, is, as it unquestionably ought to be, that of good behavior.

After emphasizing on many points the similarity of the proposed constitution to the existing state constitutions, James Madison argues that it is in one respect more republican than many of the state constitutions: by making more provision for impeachment of the president:

  • In several of the States, however, no constitutional provision is made for the impeachment of the chief magistrate. And in Delaware and Virginia he is not impeachable till out of office. The President of the United States is impeachable at any time during his continuance in office.

But the most important purpose of the Federalist Papers #39 was to answer the charge that the proposed constitution centralized power in the national government. James Madison lays out the charge he is answering as follows:

"But it was not sufficient," say the adversaries of the proposed Constitution, "for the convention to adhere to the republican form. They ought, with equal care, to have preserved the FEDERAL form, which regards the Union as a CONFEDERACY of sovereign states; instead of which, they have framed a NATIONAL government, which regards the Union as a CONSOLIDATION of the States."

There is also a charge that the Constitutional Convention exceeded its authority; the answer to that charge is left to another number in the Federalist Papers.

James Madison concedes the following ways in which the central government is given great power under the proposed constitution:

  • The House of Representatives will derive its powers from the people of America; and the people will be represented in the same proportion, and on the same principle, as they are in the legislature of a particular State. So far the government is NATIONAL, not FEDERAL.

  • … the operation of the government on the people, in their individual capacities, in its ordinary and most essential proceedings, may, on the whole, designate it, in this relation, a NATIONAL government.

  • It is true that in controversies relating to the boundary between the two jurisdictions, the tribunal which is ultimately to decide, is to be established under the general government. But this does not change the principle of the case. The decision is to be impartially made, according to the rules of the Constitution; and all the usual and most effectual precautions are taken to secure this impartiality. Some such tribunal is clearly essential to prevent an appeal to the sword and a dissolution of the compact; …

Note particularly the third bullet, which claims a power of the central government against “dissolution of the compact.” This, claim, of course, became important during the Civil War.

But James Madison points to these ways in which the proposed constitution preserves substantial state power:

  • the Constitution is to be founded on the assent and ratification of the people of America, given by deputies elected for the special purpose; but, on the other, that this assent and ratification is to be given by the people, not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong. It is to be the assent and ratification of the several States, derived from the supreme authority in each State, the authority of the people themselves. The act, therefore, establishing the Constitution, will not be a NATIONAL, but a FEDERAL act.

    That it will be a federal and not a national act, as these terms are understood by the objectors; the act of the people, as forming so many independent States, not as forming one aggregate nation, is obvious from this single consideration, that it is to result neither from the decision of a MAJORITY of the people of the Union, nor from that of a MAJORITY of the States. It must result from the UNANIMOUS assent of the several States that are parties to it, differing no otherwise from their ordinary assent than in its being expressed, not by the legislative authority, but by that of the people themselves.

  • The Senate, on the other hand, will derive its powers from the States, as political and coequal societies; and these will be represented on the principle of equality in the Senate, as they now are in the existing Congress. So far the government is FEDERAL, not NATIONAL.

  • The executive power will be derived from a very compound source. The immediate election of the President is to be made by the States in their political characters. The votes allotted to them are in a compound ratio, which considers them partly as distinct and coequal societies, partly as unequal members of the same society. The eventual election, again, is to be made by that branch of the legislature which consists of the national representatives; but in this particular act they are to be thrown into the form of individual delegations, from so many distinct and coequal bodies politic.

  • In this relation, then, the proposed government cannot be deemed a NATIONAL one; since its jurisdiction extends to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.

  • If we try the Constitution by its last relation to the authority by which amendments are to be made, we find it neither wholly NATIONAL nor wholly FEDERAL. … In requiring more than a majority, and particularly in computing the proportion by STATES, not by CITIZENS, it departs from the NATIONAL and advances towards the FEDERAL character; in rendering the concurrence of less than the whole number of States sufficient, it loses again the FEDERAL and partakes of the NATIONAL character.

James Madison ends with the conclusion that the proposed constitution is somewhere between federal and national:

The proposed Constitution, therefore, is, in strictness, neither a national nor a federal Constitution, but a composition of both. In its foundation it is federal, not national; in the sources from which the ordinary powers of the government are drawn, it is partly federal and partly national; in the operation of these powers, it is national, not federal; in the extent of them, again, it is federal, not national; and, finally, in the authoritative mode of introducing amendments, it is neither wholly federal nor wholly national.

Given his goal of getting the constitution ratified, I think James Madison was right to think he should try to display the proposed constitution in as reassuring a light as possible, trying to make it look less radical than it definitely looked from some angles. The dispute over how powerful the national government should be and how powerful the state governments should be has still not been entirely resolved. Disputes on that score continue to this day.

Below is the full text of the Federalist Papers #39 to give context to the excerpts laid out above.


FEDERALIST NO. 39

The Conformity of the Plan to Republican Principles

For the Independent Journal.

Author: James Madison

To the People of the State of New York:

THE last paper having concluded the observations which were meant to introduce a candid survey of the plan of government reported by the convention, we now proceed to the execution of that part of our undertaking.

The first question that offers itself is, whether the general form and aspect of the government be strictly republican. It is evident that no other form would be reconcilable with the genius of the people of America; with the fundamental principles of the Revolution; or with that honorable determination which animates every votary of freedom, to rest all our political experiments on the capacity of mankind for self-government. If the plan of the convention, therefore, be found to depart from the republican character, its advocates must abandon it as no longer defensible.

What, then, are the distinctive characters of the republican form? Were an answer to this question to be sought, not by recurring to principles, but in the application of the term by political writers, to the constitution of different States, no satisfactory one would ever be found. Holland, in which no particle of the supreme authority is derived from the people, has passed almost universally under the denomination of a republic. The same title has been bestowed on Venice, where absolute power over the great body of the people is exercised, in the most absolute manner, by a small body of hereditary nobles. Poland, which is a mixture of aristocracy and of monarchy in their worst forms, has been dignified with the same appellation. The government of England, which has one republican branch only, combined with an hereditary aristocracy and monarchy, has, with equal impropriety, been frequently placed on the list of republics. These examples, which are nearly as dissimilar to each other as to a genuine republic, show the extreme inaccuracy with which the term has been used in political disquisitions.

If we resort for a criterion to the different principles on which different forms of government are established, we may define a republic to be, or at least may bestow that name on, a government which derives all its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the people, and is administered by persons holding their offices during pleasure, for a limited period, or during good behavior. It is ESSENTIAL to such a government that it be derived from the great body of the society, not from an inconsiderable proportion, or a favored class of it; otherwise a handful of tyrannical nobles, exercising their oppressions by a delegation of their powers, might aspire to the rank of republicans, and claim for their government the honorable title of republic. It is SUFFICIENT for such a government that the persons administering it be appointed, either directly or indirectly, by the people; and that they hold their appointments by either of the tenures just specified; otherwise every government in the United States, as well as every other popular government that has been or can be well organized or well executed, would be degraded from the republican character. According to the constitution of every State in the Union, some or other of the officers of government are appointed indirectly only by the people. According to most of them, the chief magistrate himself is so appointed. And according to one, this mode of appointment is extended to one of the co-ordinate branches of the legislature. According to all the constitutions, also, the tenure of the highest offices is extended to a definite period, and in many instances, both within the legislative and executive departments, to a period of years. According to the provisions of most of the constitutions, again, as well as according to the most respectable and received opinions on the subject, the members of the judiciary department are to retain their offices by the firm tenure of good behavior.

On comparing the Constitution planned by the convention with the standard here fixed, we perceive at once that it is, in the most rigid sense, conformable to it. The House of Representatives, like that of one branch at least of all the State legislatures, is elected immediately by the great body of the people. The Senate, like the present Congress, and the Senate of Maryland, derives its appointment indirectly from the people. The President is indirectly derived from the choice of the people, according to the example in most of the States. Even the judges, with all other officers of the Union, will, as in the several States, be the choice, though a remote choice, of the people themselves, the duration of the appointments is equally conformable to the republican standard, and to the model of State constitutions The House of Representatives is periodically elective, as in all the States; and for the period of two years, as in the State of South Carolina. The Senate is elective, for the period of six years; which is but one year more than the period of the Senate of Maryland, and but two more than that of the Senates of New York and Virginia. The President is to continue in office for the period of four years; as in New York and Delaware, the chief magistrate is elected for three years, and in South Carolina for two years. In the other States the election is annual. In several of the States, however, no constitutional provision is made for the impeachment of the chief magistrate. And in Delaware and Virginia he is not impeachable till out of office. The President of the United States is impeachable at any time during his continuance in office. The tenure by which the judges are to hold their places, is, as it unquestionably ought to be, that of good behavior. The tenure of the ministerial offices generally, will be a subject of legal regulation, conformably to the reason of the case and the example of the State constitutions.

Could any further proof be required of the republican complexion of this system, the most decisive one might be found in its absolute prohibition of titles of nobility, both under the federal and the State governments; and in its express guaranty of the republican form to each of the latter.

"But it was not sufficient," say the adversaries of the proposed Constitution, "for the convention to adhere to the republican form. They ought, with equal care, to have preserved the FEDERAL form, which regards the Union as a CONFEDERACY of sovereign states; instead of which, they have framed a NATIONAL government, which regards the Union as a CONSOLIDATION of the States." And it is asked by what authority this bold and radical innovation was undertaken? The handle which has been made of this objection requires that it should be examined with some precision.

Without inquiring into the accuracy of the distinction on which the objection is founded, it will be necessary to a just estimate of its force, first, to ascertain the real character of the government in question; secondly, to inquire how far the convention were authorized to propose such a government; and thirdly, how far the duty they owed to their country could supply any defect of regular authority.

First. In order to ascertain the real character of the government, it may be considered in relation to the foundation on which it is to be established; to the sources from which its ordinary powers are to be drawn; to the operation of those powers; to the extent of them; and to the authority by which future changes in the government are to be introduced.

On examining the first relation, it appears, on one hand, that the Constitution is to be founded on the assent and ratification of the people of America, given by deputies elected for the special purpose; but, on the other, that this assent and ratification is to be given by the people, not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong. It is to be the assent and ratification of the several States, derived from the supreme authority in each State, the authority of the people themselves. The act, therefore, establishing the Constitution, will not be a NATIONAL, but a FEDERAL act.

That it will be a federal and not a national act, as these terms are understood by the objectors; the act of the people, as forming so many independent States, not as forming one aggregate nation, is obvious from this single consideration, that it is to result neither from the decision of a MAJORITY of the people of the Union, nor from that of a MAJORITY of the States. It must result from the UNANIMOUS assent of the several States that are parties to it, differing no otherwise from their ordinary assent than in its being expressed, not by the legislative authority, but by that of the people themselves. Were the people regarded in this transaction as forming one nation, the will of the majority of the whole people of the United States would bind the minority, in the same manner as the majority in each State must bind the minority; and the will of the majority must be determined either by a comparison of the individual votes, or by considering the will of the majority of the States as evidence of the will of a majority of the people of the United States. Neither of these rules have been adopted. Each State, in ratifying the Constitution, is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act. In this relation, then, the new Constitution will, if established, be a FEDERAL, and not a NATIONAL constitution.

The next relation is, to the sources from which the ordinary powers of government are to be derived. The House of Representatives will derive its powers from the people of America; and the people will be represented in the same proportion, and on the same principle, as they are in the legislature of a particular State. So far the government is NATIONAL, not FEDERAL. The Senate, on the other hand, will derive its powers from the States, as political and coequal societies; and these will be represented on the principle of equality in the Senate, as they now are in the existing Congress. So far the government is FEDERAL, not NATIONAL. The executive power will be derived from a very compound source. The immediate election of the President is to be made by the States in their political characters. The votes allotted to them are in a compound ratio, which considers them partly as distinct and coequal societies, partly as unequal members of the same society. The eventual election, again, is to be made by that branch of the legislature which consists of the national representatives; but in this particular act they are to be thrown into the form of individual delegations, from so many distinct and coequal bodies politic. From this aspect of the government it appears to be of a mixed character, presenting at least as many FEDERAL as NATIONAL features.

The difference between a federal and national government, as it relates to the OPERATION OF THE GOVERNMENT, is supposed to consist in this, that in the former the powers operate on the political bodies composing the Confederacy, in their political capacities; in the latter, on the individual citizens composing the nation, in their individual capacities. On trying the Constitution by this criterion, it falls under the NATIONAL, not the FEDERAL character; though perhaps not so completely as has been understood. In several cases, and particularly in the trial of controversies to which States may be parties, they must be viewed and proceeded against in their collective and political capacities only. So far the national countenance of the government on this side seems to be disfigured by a few federal features. But this blemish is perhaps unavoidable in any plan; and the operation of the government on the people, in their individual capacities, in its ordinary and most essential proceedings, may, on the whole, designate it, in this relation, a NATIONAL government.

But if the government be national with regard to the OPERATION of its powers, it changes its aspect again when we contemplate it in relation to the EXTENT of its powers. The idea of a national government involves in it, not only an authority over the individual citizens, but an indefinite supremacy over all persons and things, so far as they are objects of lawful government. Among a people consolidated into one nation, this supremacy is completely vested in the national legislature. Among communities united for particular purposes, it is vested partly in the general and partly in the municipal legislatures. In the former case, all local authorities are subordinate to the supreme; and may be controlled, directed, or abolished by it at pleasure. In the latter, the local or municipal authorities form distinct and independent portions of the supremacy, no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere. In this relation, then, the proposed government cannot be deemed a NATIONAL one; since its jurisdiction extends to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects. It is true that in controversies relating to the boundary between the two jurisdictions, the tribunal which is ultimately to decide, is to be established under the general government. But this does not change the principle of the case. The decision is to be impartially made, according to the rules of the Constitution; and all the usual and most effectual precautions are taken to secure this impartiality. Some such tribunal is clearly essential to prevent an appeal to the sword and a dissolution of the compact; and that it ought to be established under the general rather than under the local governments, or, to speak more properly, that it could be safely established under the first alone, is a position not likely to be combated.

If we try the Constitution by its last relation to the authority by which amendments are to be made, we find it neither wholly NATIONAL nor wholly FEDERAL. Were it wholly national, the supreme and ultimate authority would reside in the MAJORITY of the people of the Union; and this authority would be competent at all times, like that of a majority of every national society, to alter or abolish its established government. Were it wholly federal, on the other hand, the concurrence of each State in the Union would be essential to every alteration that would be binding on all. The mode provided by the plan of the convention is not founded on either of these principles. In requiring more than a majority, and principles. In requiring more than a majority, and particularly in computing the proportion by STATES, not by CITIZENS, it departs from the NATIONAL and advances towards the FEDERAL character; in rendering the concurrence of less than the whole number of States sufficient, it loses again the FEDERAL and partakes of the NATIONAL character.

The proposed Constitution, therefore, is, in strictness, neither a national nor a federal Constitution, but a composition of both. In its foundation it is federal, not national; in the sources from which the ordinary powers of the government are drawn, it is partly federal and partly national; in the operation of these powers, it is national, not federal; in the extent of them, again, it is federal, not national; and, finally, in the authoritative mode of introducing amendments, it is neither wholly federal nor wholly national.

PUBLIUS.


Links to my other posts on The Federalist Papers so far:





Hendrik Sybrandy Interview of Miles Kimball about the Fed and the Pandemic, August 23, 2021

Hendrik Sybrandy interviewed me on August 23, 2021, a few days before the beginning of this year’s “Jackson Hole” monetary policy conference, which actually took place remotely this year. At the top of this post is what actually aired on CGTN. Hendrik was also good enough to send me the second video (just above) which gives my answers in full, but unfortunately doesn’t include Hendrik’s questions. I think you can understand what I am saying anyway, though, especially if you listen to the shorter clip up at the top first.

With the second video (just above) that gives my answers but not the questions, I decided to experiment with getting a transcription from the freemium transcription website otter.ai I had to use Quicktime to export to an audio-only file first, but then otter.ai made the transcript below. So you could see exactly what quality I got from otter.ai, I didn’t edit what is below at all.


Oh, no, I know. Yeah, yeah. Oh, okay. on top. Okay. That's a great question. I'm not? I'm not sure I know I been once and I, one of the purposes is for central bankers around the world to have a chance to get to know one another. So this is this is the gathering where central bankers from all around the world are in a large number are in one place?

Well, it, it depends a little bit on which aspect of things. But in terms of monetary policy, I think it's most mostly a myth that you need monetary policy coordination across countries, each country can keep aggregate demand at the level that it wants to all by itself, if it if it uses the full range of policy tools. Of course, I'm a big advocate of negative interest rate policy. And things get more complicated if you kind of irrationally avoid negative interest rate policy. But basically, each country can each central bank can get aggregate demand at the right level, there's a little more reason for coordination on financial stability rules there. If If banks fail in one country, they can cause banks to fail in another country. But what's most important, though, is the exchange of ideas. So you have, you know, you have innovations in central banking, like, like negative interest rate policy that's been innovation in, in Europe and Japan, and it's in there other innovations in monetary policy that Fed is, is inching in the direction of price level targeting, as opposed to two inflation targeting, which is, in some ways is a fairly technical thing, but can matter, potentially can matter a lot. So, so it's, it's the exchange of ideas, if you have a new idea of how to do central banking, better, it's good for them to be rubbing shoulders so that all the good ideas get passed around. Yeah, exactly. I realized that that's not literally true this year.

I don't know what they'll talk about this week, there's, I mean, inflation, there's a real question of how permanent and the effects of inflation are going to be there. The pandemic has messed up a lot of things. And so there's everything, all of the economics is different with the, with the pandemic. And so when when we get that under control, then inflation could be very, very different than it is. And, you know, at this moment, in the pandemic, one of the things that, I think, is, ironically, economists really realized that I think other governments didn't pay enough attention to was that controlling the pandemic, it was the key thing for all the economic issues and we we should have been throwing a lot more money that we should have taken a small fraction of the money we took to bail people out. It's can be appropriate to bail people out during the pandemic, but we should have taken a small fraction of that money to just fight the virus directly. And we would have been way ahead. So I think Economists were very aware of just how many trillions of dollars, it's, it's worth, you know, every every month that the pandemic goes on longer, it has a huge dollar cost to the economy. And so throwing enormous amounts of money at pandemic control is a good idea. We, we didn't throw enough money at trying to tamp down the pandemic.

Well, by mine, a lot of my knowledge is just from reading, reading the newspaper, but they're, they're far from the newspaper. There's some very good reporters who dig into this. And if they're not talking about raising the interest rates for quite some time, maybe not till, maybe not even until 2023. But they're probably going to slow down later this year, they're probably going to slow down their purchases of long term, long term bonds and long term mortgage bonds. So that they'll they'll go very slowly. And by the way, that that's partly it, things are complicated, because of the extra supply problems that you have with with COVID. that's causing inflation to be so high at the moment. But the Fed believes that the underlying inflation rate, once we get out of the pandemic, is is not so high, but nobody knows how high that'll be until we get out of the pandemic. So, if we get out of the pandemic, the Fed, the Fed has said it wants to be slow to raise interest rates, until they see inflation running like two and a half percent or something like that. So. So it used to be that that's partly what price level targeting means that it's if inflation is running below 2%, for a while, then they want it to run above 2% for a while. And so inflation, certainly, you know, like a year or two ago, was running below 2%. And so they're still happy to have it run above and the way they think about this, they, they always tend to abstract from what they think of as temporary movements in inflation. So, you know, folks who are not in central banks, look at whatever inflation is at the moment, but the Fed is trying to look at the underlying inertia of inflation, if you will, you know, if you think about, if you think of spinning and uncooked egg, and then you and then you stop it, and then it keeps going, that that the sloshing around of the liquid in the egg in the middle, that's the inertia of inflation. This is this is a little bit the opposite where the egg is spinning especially fast. But but the Fed is thinking it's on the outside of the egg that spinning fast. The inside is spinning a little slower.

Yeah. Absolutely. Yeah. And so they are judging a lot by the low levels of inflation that were there before the pandemic. So they nobody, nobody knows whether the inflation caused by the pandemic is going to be keep on after the pandemic. I mean, we just don't have I mean, this is this is very unusual situation. And so I think the Fed is looking at, well, inflation was pretty low before the pandemic, but besides, they're much worried more worried about low inflation and high inflation these days. And that has to do with their resistance to negative interest rate policy. So the Fed, unlike some other central banks, has been very, very, they they've said very, very, you know, they've been very loath to go to negative interest rate policy, which is unfortunate because what negative interest rate policy allows you to do is to have lower inflation. I mean, the main, the main reason the Fed wants inflation is because they want to have inflation instead of negative interest rates. If If, I mean, some people hate negative interest rates directly, but if you hate them inflation, if you mostly Hate inflation, then you're better off with the willingness to do negative interest rates. Because if you are willing to use negative interest rates, you can have zero inflation and still stay, you know, stimulate the economy when there's a recession. But because what, you know, there's a concept economists have of the real interest rate, basically, it's the interest rate minus inflation that matters. And so it's like an interest rate looks lower, you have to look at interest rates in comparison with inflation. And so interest rates really act like lower interest rates when there's a higher rate of inflation. So, so that's so the Fed is forcing inflation on us because they're afraid to use negative interest rates.

Oh, boy, I mean. Well, I think you I think we just pointed that that I mean, whatever the official program is, how do we read things? When with this EAD pandemic, affecting everything so much?

Oh, yeah, absolutely. Well, actually, that's where I, that's where I think actually economists should be brought into fighting the pandemic more, because it's not just it's not, it's not that what's required is more to see how large systems work, which is something that that economists are trained at so many economists have actually written papers using epidemiological models. And, you know, economists have been at the forefront of saying, Oh, we should have gotten in fast, cheap tests earlier on, we now know, the emphasis has shifted towards vaccination, appropriately, but early on, if we had fast, cheap tests and use them very broadly, it could have it could have helped a lot. So I actually think that economists should have been brought into directly fighting the pandemic more. I mean, they, they economics helps you understand the urgency, it's not just a matter of controlling the pandemic, it's like getting it to end one month, sooner or safety, you know, is is crucial. And that Need for Speed is something that I think, was obvious to economists and in some of the public government policies, we're less focused on speed and controlling the pandemic.

Oh, well, we're in the thick of things. I mean, this it, this delta variant is is causing a lot of economic disruptions. And I think we're still at the stage where it will probably get worse before it gets better. I mean, this delta variant has, I think, I read that it has a reproduction ratio of six. So it spreads about, it spreads incredibly fast. And I think, again, I I think the big issue really is the pandemic itself, and they're useful insights. They're basically it's we're at the stage where, here's, here's one of the bits of perspective. I mean, the point of slowing down the pandemic, was to give everybody a chance to be vaccinated. Once everybody has a chance to be vaccinated, and some people, of course, will refuse, then there's not a big reason to slow down the pandemic anymore. And except for overwhelming hospitals, they're kind of those two issues. You want to get people to get a chance to be vaccinated before the before they're exposed. And, boy, you better get vaccinated soon, or you're you because it's really hard to not get exposed to this delta barrier because it's moving so fast. So it's very urgent for people to get vaccinated if they want to protect themselves. There's the issue of giving kids a chance to get vaccinated, and there's the issue of overwhelming the hospital system. But at some point, people have had a chance to get vaccinated. And other than slowing things down a little to not overwhelm the hospital system, you got to figure this delta variant this so, so spread so easily that everybody's going to be exposed. It's just whether you're going to be protected by vaccination before you're exposed or not. And so the crushing the economy by by trying to do social distancing, I think, at some point is, is a fool's errand because this delta variant is so aggressive, everybody's going to be exposed unless they take really, really extreme measures to isolate themselves. And that, but the point was mainly to get people a chance to be vaccinated first. And it were within a couple of months of saying, people have had their chance. Now, we should. Now Now, we can't afford this shutdown the father me anymore. I mean, we get to get the kids vaccinated if their parents are willing. And let's not hurt the economy too much more beyond that. But so notice, I, again, I think that it's the pandemic policy, and not that, you know, the mitigating economic policy, that's the key issue.

Oh, I think the Fed is, I think the Fed is doing an okay job on its on its immediate decisions. What I really liked them to do is I think the key issue on the Fed is really the appointments to the Fed, who is going to be appointed to the Fed. I wrote a blog post about that. I think that it, I think that it matters, I think that the I, who is if I don't know if this will happen again. But in the past, the vice chair has led these committee meetings to determine the what they call the framework for monetary policy. And that framework, the last time was was very anti negative interest rates, which I think is a problem in emergencies we might face in the future. And so it matters who the new to the new vice chair is whether they're kind of irrationally against negative interest rates or whether they allow us to kind of start moving towards the negative interest rate policy that will allow us to bring down inflation. Several I don't, I don't remember exactly. But they're, they're, you know, they need to appoint a chair. I want one. So what I one thing I said in my blog post is, even though other people would also be good shares, I favor reappointing Jerome Powell, simply to try to depoliticize the fed a little bit more. I mean, I think that if if you have presidents of different parties, you know, nominating the same Fed chair that, that ends up sending a good message that we want to depoliticize the Fed. And so I think, as I say, I think there are many other people who could be good Fed chair. So it's not it's not a disaster to appoint some of the other candidates that people are talking about. It's just that if every time there's a new president, you have a new Fed Chair, I think that politicizes the Fed somewhat more than if you if you have some fed chairs reappointed by presidents of the other party, and everybody thinks Jerome Powell has done a good job on that monetary policy, pretty much I'm sure there. Everybody's way too strong. But there's a pretty good consensus that he's done a good job on that. I think there's a reasonable argument that he could have been tougher on on in having high equity requirements for banks. These are sometimes called capital requirements. But the issue is, if banks are if banks have a decent fraction of financing from stockholders, then the stockholders or people who signed up if the bank gets in trouble, they then accept a lower stock value. If If not, you end up if you don't have enough stock financing of banks, then you wind up with bailouts. And so we should all be quite concerned to have high equity requirements for banks. I think Jerome Powell could have done better on that. But on the other hand, I think that If I think he might well get the message that he should be tougher on that in the future if he's, if he's reappointed. So I think it's great to talk about that. But I think I've talked about that and kind of give Jerome Powell the message, he ought to be tougher in terms of saying bank should be financed a little more by stock holders and a little less by borrowing, then then what he's done in the past. And but I think you'll probably be responsive to that.

Well, I, you know, there, I've got to say, if they did try to convey a message to the Fed, it would be mostly grandstanding, because as far as monetary policy goes, each country can do its own monetary button can do its own aggregate demand management, regardless of what the other central banks are doing. There. There are some countries that are think, in a troubling way trying to keep fixed exchange rates. And I think there there should probably be less of that. And anyway, countries complain about the Fed said other central banks complain about the Fed to hide their own problems and their own failings. That's my view on that.

No, I think I think that's pretty good. There are I these are all important issues. And I hope well, I mean, I guess there's one other issue that's come up, which is a central bank, digital currencies, I think that's a good evolution, it has to be done. Right. And it and one of the things that actually, let me let me highlight a technical issue, which is, I think it's a very good thing that the Fed is regularizing and, and institutionalizing a little bit more. Its use of the its use of the repo markets. Because I think in the evolution of monetary policy, this will be important in the future. So one of the things in terms of so in the middle of writing a paper about us negative interest rate law, which is very interesting. And the the feds repo facilities are actually very important in the legality in insurance, ensuring that negative interest rates are legal under current law, you don't need new law to be passed to make negative interest rates legal because the the the you don't, that you don't need negative interest rates and reserves, you can have the reserve accounts, if the reserve accounts or caps then you have these repo facilities take on some of the functions that have previously been taken on by by the reserves. And these repo facilities clearly are allowed in law to have whatever interest rate you want. The reserves may not be able to have a negative interest rate, but you don't need negative interest rates on reserves if you kept them and use the Reapers facilities. There's there's a lot of flexibility there. And so I think people should keep their eye on these repo facilities. They're going in both directions. Now, both repo and reverse repo where the Fed is letting people lend to the Fed and the Fed is lending to other people. You're having both now. That's it. That's it very, very important development. Keep your eye on those. I think they'll grow in importance over time.

Well, I, I, I think that there are many things that are a distraction for the Fed. I mean, I don't think I think it's a distraction. Maybe this is an unpopular thing to say, but I think the Fed has so many jobs already with monetary policy and financial stability. regulation. I think it'd be better to let them focus on that job and not insist that They they be. I mean, I think we should work a lot on social justice. But I don't think the Fed is the appropriate spearhead for trying to work on social justice, I don't think the Fed is the appropriate, I mean, we should have carbon taxes to deal with global warming. I mean, that's not, that's not a Fed thing. That's it, that's a treasury thing. And that's a matter of getting the political consensus together. And we should be doing research on, you know, put more money into research on solar power, and, and so on. I think this idea that every institution in society has to be involved in those particular fights is a mistake, the Fed, if the Fed does its job on, it messes up all of this stuff, if the Fed puts us into a big recession, because it's unwilling to use negative interest rates, that's really bad for social justice, the Fed should be concentrating on getting its act together on negative interest rate policy, rather than which will help his social justice way more than doing you know, direct stuff on that. And it'll even help in terms of you know, probably even help in terms of climate policy because if we had a giant recession because the Fed wouldn't do negative interest rate policy that would distract the government from making progress on climate policy. So I just think the Fed can contribute way more to climate policy and to social justice by doing it's for mission that it can by directly working on those things. Oh, yeah, so just if you look at them and by the way, I'm on Twitter at at Miles Kimball and also my blog is Confessions of a supply side liberal and you can you can find it there blog dot supply side liberal calm Okay. Great, thank you, you. Right. Oh, yeah. And do do send me do send me all the links and stuff. I'd like to post these these links to this on my blog. Great. See you later.

Are Processed Food and Environmental Contaminants the Main Cause of the Rise of Obesity?

Josh Hausman pointed me to a fascinating series on the slimemoldtimemold.com blog on explanations for the rise of obesity. The overall title for the series is “A Chemical Hunger.” In this post here, I’ll react to the first three slimemoldtimemold.com posts in the “A Chemical Hunger” series.

I hope you’ll read the slimemoldtimemold.com posts themselves, but let me summarize them to set up my reactions.

The 1st post presents a series of mysteries about the rise in obesity. In brief:

  1. We are a lot fatter than people in the 1890s, but its unclear our diet and exercise are all that much different.

  2. The rise in obesity accelerated from 1980 on, but many of the proposed causes slowed down after 1980 or went in reverse after 1980.

  3. Obesity keeps going up and up and up with no sign of a pause.

  4. As far as carbs, fat and protein, or good and bad carbs, fat and protein go, almost any supposedly bad diet has some group of hunter-gatherers going to the extreme on it. But these hunter-gatherers don’t get fat while living in a traditional way.

  5. Lab animals and while animals are getting fatter, not just humans.

  6. Highly processed food makes lab animals fat in a way that can’t be accounted for by its carbs, fat and protein content or by its caloric content.

  7. People at high altitudes have lower rates of obesity.

  8. There are many, many different ways of dieting. None of the many things that people commonly try are very successful at helping people lose weight.

The 2d post in the “A Chemical Hunger” series argues against several common theories.

  • Calories In/Calories out is not very helpful; it seems clear there is some regulatory mechanism that makes the effective amount of calories in and calories out very different from what one might think based on one’s conscious choices. Eating huge amounts leads to surprisingly little weight gain. Exercising a lot leads to surprisingly little weight loss.

  • Fat never had much affect on obesity. And sugar consumption by some measures has been declining since 2000 with little apparent effect in slowing the rise of obesity.

  • No special diet by itself seems to lead to all that much weight loss compared to the overall increase in obesity that has taken place. And the modest effects that are seen from some special diets often reverse themselves within a year.

The 3d post advances a theory of chemical contamination—both in the environment and within highly processed foods. I’ll summarize the argument. To begin with, we know medication can have big effects on weight. So the idea that chemicals could be part of the explanation is plausible. (By the way, I wrote about insulin-related medications having that kind of effect in “Evidence that High Insulin Levels Lead to Weight Gain.” But that isn’t the only kind of medication or other chemical that can cause weight gain or loss.) Then the heart of the argument is that chemical contaminants can explain the mysteries laid out in the first post:

  1. There are a lot of chemical contaminants now that weren’t there in 1890 or before.

  2. It is quite possible that some chemicals in the environment or in highly-processed foods have become much more prevalent since 1980.

  3. Short of a big outcry about some chemical, it could easily be getting worse as each year passes in the 2020s.

  4. Hunter-gatherers, whatever they eat—as long as it isn’t highly-processed modern food—are far away from the worst sources of chemical contaminants.

  5. Wild animals and lab animals are exposed to environmental chemical contaminants.

  6. Some lab animals are fed highly-processed foods.

  7. Environmental contaminants would get washed downstream, so that they would hit people lower down in watersheds more. This could help explain why people at high altitudes have less obesity.

  8. Most diets don’t cut out all highly-processed food. And even people on a whole-food diet are exposed to environmental contaminants.

One important mechanism through which environmental contaminants and chemicals in highly-processed food might affect obesity is by disturbing the balance of bacteria in the gut. Because we are only barely beginning to understand the effects of the gut microbiome, it is hard to rule anything out in this regard, and many things are plausible, if unproven. But some environmental and food-additive contaminants may have more direct effects. (Here I include as “food additives” things that are “natural” but put in with much different proportions than in typical whole foods and turn out to be deleterious.)

Reactions:

I have often point out in my diet and health posts that (as highly-processed food is currently formulated), going off sugar requires going off almost all highly-processed food as well. That is one way in which going off sugar is different from just reducing the amount of sugar one consumes. Reducing sugar can easily happen by substituting into highly-processed foods with less sugar but with other bad stuff.

To the extent that highly-processed food leads to more obesity by being especially tasty (“palatable”), as an empirical fact, getting that tastiness usually involves adding sugar (or one of the worse nonsugar sweeteners—see “Which Nonsugar Sweeteners are OK? An Insulin-Index Perspective”). So going off sugar also greatly reduces the danger of eating too much because of addictive tastiness if that is your theory of the rise in obesity, following Stephen Guyenet (who is often quoted in “A Chemical Hunger” posts).

“slimemoldtimemold” persuades me that it is hard to explain the facts of obesity without some important contribution from bad chemicals in the environment and in highly processed food. Wild animals getting fatter and the correlation of obesity with altitude are some of the most telling arguments on that score.

Many of the other arguments are in the vein of saying “There isn’t any other explanation, so it must be chemicals.” I definitely think that is part of the explanation. But there is another factor that could potentially explain the facts: changes in the timing of eating.

When I was a kid in the 1960’s, we weren’t allowed to snack much. Most of the eating was confined to three meals a day. Later on in my life, I heard like most other people about a claim that spreading one’s food out throughout the day would help you lose weight. I think the evidence for this was always weak, and not relevant to what people actually did: add in snacks throughout the day without holding the total amount of food constant at all. As an illustrative calculation, if breakfast starts at 7:30 AM and dinner ends at 6:30 PM, that is an 11-hour eating window. On the other hand, if you sleep 8 hours and eat right after waking and right before going to bed, that is a 16-hour eating window—a big increase.

At this point, I don’t know of any easy data set on changes in the timing of eating. That means there is an important factor in obesity—eating all the time instead of in a short eating window—that we don’t have a good handle on historically. It is plausible that the length of the eating window has gone up over time. It is also possible that it went up a lot since 1980. But we don’t know. It would be great for someone to figure out a creative way to get some data on this. For example, detailed-enough time-diary data might help. Time-use scientists may not have focused the attention of the survey respondents on whether they were eating or not during an activity as much as would be good, but it might be possible to learn something. Until reading these “A Chemical Hunger” posts, I have thought mostly in terms of trying to identify changes in the timing of eating from 1890 or so to now, but it looks like changes in the timing of eating since 1980 are especially important for thinking about the rise in obesity in the last 30 years. And that is a period when some time-diary data exist.

(For all of the hunter-gatherers but the Kitavans, regardless of the daily eating window, there are likely to be periods of the year, or random moments with very little food. That enforced fasting could have a big effect on chronic diseases and weight.)

Suppose for a moment, though, that all of the observed rise in obesity is due to chemicals. Avoiding highly-processed food is the obvious first step to avoid part of that. Supporting research on chemicals that could affect obesity is also an obvious things to do. You could even think of moving to Colorado, as, fortuitously, my wife and I did, to take advantage of the altitude effect. But for most of you, all of those things put together aren’t going to get you to a good weight any time soon. Fortunately, a cure doesn’t always have to come through undoing the original cause. It is also possible to simply counteract one force with another force. To repeat what I have said many times in my diet and health posts, fasting (eating nothing, while drinking water) is a surefire way to lose weight. Enough fasting and you can counteract the upward pull of environmental chemicals you can’t fully avoid. And fasting is much easier when you are eating low on the insulin index when you are eating. (See “Forget Calorie Counting; It's the Insulin Index, Stupid.”) Making fasting easier or harder is the most important way that what you eat matters. I think I have been consistent in saying that the direct effects of what you eat on your weight are modest, if you don’t bring fasting into the mix.

I want to learn much more on the effects of environmental chemicals and chemicals in highly-processed food on obesity. Please put relevant links in the comments or tweet them to me. I think the rest of the “A Chemical Hunger” series goes there. I’ll blog about what I learn.

I have often thought that the area of diet and health and of understanding obesity is an area where a billion dollars from a philanthropist could finance research that could improve social welfare by the equivalent of a trillion dollars. That trillion dollars isn’t at all easy to monetize without facing temptations that, succumbed to, might destroy any possibility of doing that kind of good, but if approached philanthropically, big improvements in people’s lives are available from figuring out how to use improvements in when and what we eat and in our chemical environment to prevent a substantial fraction of diabetes, cardiovascular disease, cancer and other diseases.


The 21st-Century Malaise of Males

While attention has been focused on the dominance of high-end males in our society, low-end males have have been falling behind. Let me quote a few statistics from Douglas Belkin’s September 6, 2021 Wall Street Journal article “A Generation of American Men Give Up on College” (bullets added to separate passages):

  • At the close of the 2020-21 academic year, women made up 59.5% of college students, an all-time high, and men 40.5%, according to enrollment data from the National Student Clearinghouse, a nonprofit research group.

  • After six years of college, 65% of women in the U.S. who started a four-year university in 2012 received diplomas by 2018 compared with 59% of men during the same period, according to the U.S. Department of Education.

  • In the next few years, two women will earn a college degree for every man, if the trend continues, said Douglas Shapiro, executive director of the research center at the National Student Clearinghouse.

  • Women increased their lead over men in college applications for the 2021-22 school year—3,805,978 to 2,815,810—by nearly a percentage point compared with the previous academic year, according to Common Application, a nonprofit that transmits applications to more than 900 schools.

Part of this tilt of men away from college may be that higher education has gone off the rails in important ways, especially in serving young men. On that, see “False Advertising for College is Pretty Much the Norm” and “The Coming Transformation of Education: Degrees Won’t Matter Anymore, Skills Will.

Part of the trouble may be that straightforward ways of helping young men are not being taken. Douglas Belkin writes in ““A Generation of American Men Give Up on College”:

No college wants to tackle the issue under the glare of gender politics, said Ms. Delahunty, the enrollment consultant. The conventional view on campuses, she said, is that “men make more money, men hold higher positions, why should we give them a little shove from high school to college?”

I find this an unfortunate attitude. I tweeted this reaction:

But I consider men’s tilt away from college as a symptom of something bigger. As a society, we are failing in our raising of something like a third of our young men. Jordan Peterson reports that when he gives a talk telling young men that life is tough but that by effort they can make their lives better, they are often grateful, saying they hadn’t heard that message before. How could we be failing to get that message across to all of our young men!

It is true that when looking at others, one should be very much aware of how luck, including the accident of what family was born into, affects their lives. But it doesn’t do much good to dwell on the accident of what family one was born into and other dimensions of luck in one’s own life! Everyone, everyone, needs to be taught that effort can better their situation in life.

Noah Smith and I addressed this principle in relation to math in “There's One Key Difference Between Kids Who Excel at Math and Those Who Don't.” (I followed that up with “How to Turn Every Child into a 'Math Person'.”) But the principle is much more general: effort has a major influence on performance.

Awareness of the difficulties others operate under and this principle of personal responsibility can coexist. Throwing out the principle of personal responsibility for fear it will interfere with an awareness of the difficulties others operate under is a terrible mistake. We need to help others and we each need to help ourselves.

It is a pity when basic principles such as personal responsibility get enmeshed in politics in a way that causes them to be intentionally neglected. Perhaps a key to rehabilitating the principle of personal responsibility politically is to realize that it should never be used to scold others or blame others but only to help others diagnose how they are messing up their own lives.

We debate on the margins about exactly how strong the incentives should be for people to get their lives together instead of messing them up. But everything within the scope of the current political debate would still leave someone miserable if they don’t take responsibility for their own life and much better off if they do take responsibility. After all, on top of the after-tax-and-transfer economic consequences of managing one’s life better or worse, there are the dating and relationship consequences of how well one manages one’s life and one’s character. And letting oneself be drawn into pathologies such as drug addiction (legal or illegal) can lead to deep misery. It is doing young people a grave disservice if we downplay the difference they can make by means of effort in bettering life and character.

The time has come to begin worrying more about young men. They are in trouble. This doesn’t have to take away from efforts to help women. At a moment of crisis like this, we can do what it takes to help both men and women with the somewhat distinct issues they face.


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